Steps 2 Success or “12 months a slave” IRSP

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The Irish Republican Socialist Party is calling for the abolishing of the new Step 2 Success “welfare to work” programme recently officially launched all across the North as the old Steps to Work programme is wrapped up. The old Steps to Work programme was deeply flawed but it contained less punitive measures against the unemployed people forced onto it.

Steps 2 Success will be administered and delivered in the North by English corporations EOS Works Ltd, Staffline Group PLC and Ingeus Limited. “Welfare to work” programmes such as Steps 2 Success has been marred by controversy in England with facilitating contracts worth nearly £100 million being awarded to Tory Party backers.

Spokesperson for Derry City IRSP Danny Morrison continues” Under strict new sanctions Jobseekers will be forced into yearlong contracts with employers after 3 months of signing on. They can potentially have their Jobseekers Allowance and Housing Benefit stopped for up to 26 weeks at a time for not complying with the rules. Only participants who put in more than 30 hours per week will be entitled to the “training bonus” of £15.38p on top of their existing benefits- the equivalent of 51p per hour. “

Mr Morrisoin said “Participants in Steps 2 Success will be forced to work alongside full time employees in the private sector for either no money or a disgraceful 51p per hour. This is essentially a redistribution of public money and resources into the coffers of the private sector corporations with tax payers subsidising their wage bills. All this will lead to a conveyor belt workforce being rolled on and off the Steps 2 Success scheme every 12 months. Studies have shown that the people on Jobseekers are just as likely to find full time employment on their own as to find it in “welfare to work” programmes.”

Mr Morrison finishes “Jobseekers will be made 12 months a slave; they will be degraded and locked into a punitive system that only benefits private industry. Like Job Bridge in the South Steps 2 Success in the North will victimise the unemployed and lead to further exploitation.”

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IRSP calls for the Unions to “shut down the State”

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The Irish Republican Socialist Party is calling for a national strike to accompany the planned Saturday 31st of January 2015 mobilisation against the Water Tax. Organisers of the Right2Water campaign group are planning to hold the next rally to coincide with the deadline for households to register with Irish Water. The IRSP believe the next step in opposing the Water Tax and the Fine Gael/Labour coalitions austerity measures should not simply be to urge households not to pay. The trade unions need to “shut down the State”.

 
Micheál MacLochlainn of the IRSP continues “We believe it’s not an unrealistic timetable to achieve a successful general strike and deliver the final nail in the coffin of the coalition on the Monday after the Saturday 31st mobilisation. We know that grass roots elements within some major Unions backing Right2Water are already discussing a general strike as a possibility and I urge them to make their voices heard within their Unions. “

 
Mr MacLochlainn said “Another mass rally, on its own, will not be sufficient to escalate the situation enough. It’s time for the ICTU affiliated trade Unions, Unions who claim lineage to the ITGWU, to say enough is enough and shut down the state. The momentum needs to continue to be built upon as the stakes are much bigger now than just the Water Tax.”

 
Mr MacLochlainn finishes “Our communities are under sustained attack by an ever detached coalition of EU/ECB/IMF puppets and they are getting away with it. Trade Unionism is the last fire wall, the protectors of the interests of our class; we need them to act decisively and quickly. The IRSP will be contacting all the major Unions and lobbying from within our members Trade Unions for a National Strike against austerity but we also need others to do the same. “

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National Mobilisation Against Water Charges – Dublin 10th December

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Contact your local IRSP office or IRSP representative for further details.

Enquiries can also be made online via the Contact section of this website or the IRSP Facebook Page

The Irish working class have had enough!  An injury to one is an injury to all!  Join the national mobilisation, Dublin 10th December!

Saoirse go deo!

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IRSP Alba – IRSP/INLA 40th Anniversary March

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Assessing Armed Actions (Internal IRSP Cumann discussion document)

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Throughout 2014, a plethora of veterans and independent Republican commentators aired their opinions on what they saw as the futility of armed actions in the current environment. Consecutive letters, interviews and press releases emerged, in what was clearly a co-ordinated if well meaning attempt to put pressure upon those Republicans still on a war footing with the British state in Ireland.
The following analysis from the IRSP is not part of that public initiative and should not be viewed in that light.
Rather, five years on from the formal announcement of an end to the INLA armed campaign, it is intended as a dialectical analysis of the merits and drawbacks of continued armed actions, and from the perspective of those still deeply committed to maintaining the Revolutionary tradition in Ireland.

In 2009 the Republican Socialist movement standing collectively, stated their belief that future Revolutionary struggle in Ireland would be best served using unarmed methods, while simultaneously reaffirming our opposition to the failed reformist politics of the Good FridayAgreement.

That statement was made during a period, in which the remaining IRA groupings were assuring themselves and their supporters that they were in the ascendancy and following a short upsurge in armed activity including the shooting dead of two British soldiers near Antrim and a Police man in Craigavon.

In the five preceding years, the groupings involved have sustained losses well beyond any perceivable logistical or political gains which could have been attained through their combined efforts.

Many scores of Republicans now languish in prison, often in sub-human conditions and facing a heartless and vindictive regime that has decades of experience in the torture and marginalising of Irish POWs.

As a movement supportive of all POWs, and whose membership are all too aware of the realities and hardships of prison struggle, we have no interest appearing to belittle the position of today’s Republican prisoners and it is not for us to point out the dynamics which may have led to their incarceration.

We do however maintain the right to comment upon the impact which continued armed actions have had on the general political landscape here and on the Republican Socialist struggle in particular.

The immediate impact

Firstly the imprisonment of so many political activists has been a godsend to the state and to opponents of popular political struggle in Ireland and not only in terms of bodies lost on the ground.

In addition to locking up scores of Republicans; Britain has seized the opportunity to tie down remaining activists in an endless cycle of prison based campaigns; ensuring that the time, resources and energies of militantly minded Republicans are eternally deflected from the vital task of building a viable street basedalternative to the corrupt political and economic setup which now exists in Ireland.

This alone amounts to a successful outflanking of certain anti-GFA republicans, it is the result of a clearly thought out strategy on Britain’s behalf, yet it has rarely been mentioned by supporters of those practicing armed actions. Instead a misperception is promoted which claims that a viable armed Republican movement can magically be built on the back of prison campaigns.

Yet this is rapidly proving not to be the case, and today the partitionist states, their policy makers, financiers and apologists escape relatively unscathed from militant political and social upheaval, certainly in comparison to other European countries, as hundreds of young Republican activists here instead focus their energies (however gallantly) on white line pickets and protests relevant only to a single issue.

At a time when Irish revolutionary voices could have been using their energies and talents to utilise public frustration on the street to build the Republican Socialist fight against austerity, sectarianism and the ongoing failures of partition; proponents of armed actions here are in fact depleting that potential, offering a scapegoat argument to our oppressors – who by talking up the threat – both maximise their own budgets and draconian powers and deflect the public’s mind away from the increasing raft of socio-economically grounded injustices and inequalities which are facing the Irish working class today.

This is a bizarre position for Irish Republicans to remain static within, it is neither logistically wise nor in keeping with traditional IRA practice, which since 1916 and throughout the decades always advocated recognition of when the time simply was not right to fight.

Yet the self defeating dynamic remains in place, it is a dynamic which Britain and supporters of Stormont can live with indefinitely and for as long as the remaining IRA groupings allow, it will ensure that their supporter’s role in building a viable alternative to the rotten political setup here is reduced to a minimum.

The political impact of armed actions

To date the combined efforts of the various IRA groupings have resulted in British/State casualties on a par only with the least successful IRA campaigns of the past. In addition the state has learned valuable lessons from those campaigns and has chosen not to give the Republican tradition anymore martyrs but instead to wear down the morale and resources of its limited support base with a conveyor belt system of questionable arrests, convictions and increasingly harsh sentencing. In this process they have been tutored well by former Militant Republicans now loyal to the state.

As unsavoury as that reality may seem, it remains a reality and one which is not likely to change should the IRA groupings remain within the tight pigeon-hole in which Britain and its Stormont subservients have clearly backed them into. Furthermore the military capability which would be required to kick hard enough in an attempt to break out of that dynamic quite simply does not exist.

The British state in Ireland has successfully gauged the extent to which the Irish public will tolerate Judicial and human rights abuses of Irish Citizens, the PSNI directed by MI5 are adhering strictly to a set policy of maximum depletion of Republican resources yet minimum comeback as in terms of any public backlash.

By and large that policy is working for them and not least because the public are being taught to focus upon failing and questionable armed actions of Republicans while ignoring the litany of crimes being committed against the Irish Working Class by both the British and 26 County states; ruthless austerity, cutbacks in health and social spending and a general downgrading of the lives of ordinary people.

Again this is a self-defeating dynamic, into which the Republican armed groupings have stepped and one which the British and 26-County states are happy to allow exist.

And within this unfavourable environment, although IRA groupings claim that their actions are disrupting normalisation, their perceived successes have become successes in their minds only, without having adequately politicised and radicalised a new generation of young people (by stressing primarily the socio-political realities of the time) they are in reality impressing only their own small base.

What is at question here is not the right to take up arms against the oppressor; the IRSP does not and never will question that right.
The only relevant question which Irish Revolutionaries should be asking themselves at this juncture is ‘what works’?

Sporadic armed actions are not working; they are placing zero pressure upon either the British/Stormont or Free State regimes nor upon the capitalist economic systems which underwrite all of those states.

In fact they are bolstering the budgets of British Military intelligence and handing a monthly propaganda victory to those who wish to make partition, capitalism, austerity and overt security measures appear to the general public as the rational state of affairs in Ireland; rational in comparison to actions which only achieve a temporary sense of personal achievement for the individuals involved and their supporters on the ground.

All criticisms which we as Irish Revolutionaries, as Republican Socialists have of the failed politics of Good Friday; its inescapable ethos of sectarianism, economic inequality and perpetual partition, wrapped up as it currently is, in the environment of savage Tory & Fine Gael cutbacks upon the livelihoods and wellbeing of our most vulnerable citizens; can, will and are being explained away by reference to the sporadic actions of the remaining IRA groupings.

As with so many times in our recent history, what is required is the building and mobilising of a fighting Labour movement with a sound position on the question of Irish National Liberation, such as that mobilised by Connolly in the years running up to 1913. Years in which a similar economic reality faced the Irish working class as does today.

There is no shortcut to building such a movement, it will not be achieved by one movement or party alone and it will have many hardships and setbacks. Yet now should be the prime time to set the foundations for such a movement, one which could truly challenge the status quo as it now exists, truly upset normalisation and awaken the true national and class spirit of the Irish people.

The politics of sporadic armed actions are an attempt to bypass the process of building such a movement; furthermore it is a failed attempt at doing so and one which holds the real potential to create setbacks for those who seek to build a truly effective class based resistance to capitalism and modern partitionist rule in Ireland.

Just as advocates of current armed actions assert that they have a right to bear arms in the name of Irish Freedom; in the spirit of comradeship we must urge them to consider what duties come with that right. Not least the duty to consider the logistical limitations which come with practicing armed struggle perpetually in a woefully unsuitable environment. And the very real costs of that decision, both to you personally and to the cause of building a capable Revolutionary momentum, which the Irish people so dearly need and deserve.

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Doomsday budget heralds a total betrayal of the people. Republican Socialism stands vindicated. PPSÉ

 

 

Doomsday budget heralds a total betrayal of the people. Republican Socialism stands vindicated.

Joint statements emanating from both Unionist and Nationalist ministers in Stormont have announced inevitable wholesale cuts to services vital to the health, development and well-being of working class people in the six counties.

Thursday evening’s announcements promise to launch a new era of misery onto the people of the north and will undoubtedly bring only chaos and desperation to already suffering workers, providers and the most vulnerable in our society.

As we prepare to be drip fed the stark reality of what the Stormont government is proposing, we are confident that these moves will bring the six counties into line with the rest of Ireland, uniting our people in a cycle of poverty, dependency and despair, and at the hands of career politicians, who lacking courage and principle, neither speak the truth nor strive for anything better.

The now looming reality of widespread unemployment, downgrading and scarcity which will follow on from these government cutbacks is a far cry from the bright and prosperous future which our people were promised in the wake of the GoodFriday Agreement.

In 1998, the IRSP decided to reject the false economic promises peddled by the propagandists and proponents of the Good Friday Agreement, choosing instead to stand behind the long term truths of our principled Socialist and Revolutionary analysis.

In the light of Stormont’s most deliberate and savage onslaught against our people and our class, we stand fully vindicated in that decision. Constitutional Nationalism and the advocates of reform have again failed our people, and once again the people of no property stand alone.

Tory cutbacks are designed to force upon our people, the unjust and inhumane logic of Capitalism, the politics of greed and eternal economic chaos. Our people shall now suffer further poverty, unemployment and want, all for the short sighted actions of bankers and their wealthy backers in the political elite.

Shamefully and in absolute abandonment of the Republican position, Martin McGuiness has announced his belief that the DUP budget is ‘the best our people could hope for’.

With this appalling and defeatist comment, he hopes to secure a loan from the Tory British treasury, bringing a new realism to the term ‘scrambling for the crumbs off the masters table’.

The IRSP takes this opportunity to call for a new rallying of the Irish working class. Class war has been declared upon you and your families, by those who care nothing for workers or for the welfare of the old, the young the sick or the vulnerable.

As is the case the world over, the wealth of our country lies dormant, hidden away in the bank vaults and accounts of the rich and powerful, meanwhile we are told that we the masses must pay for the actions of the few. This need not be so.

In the spirit of Connolly, Larkin and all those who across the world are out and opposing the evils of austerity, we declare that now must be the time to fight back. We are encouraged by the utterances of the Trade Union movement who at long last are showing signs of a much needed fighting spirit. We ask them to maximise that spirit, to build upon it and prepare for genuine and meaningful struggle.

We call upon our supporters and all Republican Socialists to support them in that task, and to begin the process of mobilising, against these unnecessary and savage cutbacks, and in so doing begin to rebuild the struggle for Irish Socialism and true freedom for our people and our class.

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Notes on Ta Power – Educational Piece 2

Background

Firstly to explain how the Ta Power document came about, we need to outline a little about Thomas ‘Ta’ Power’s background and his political journey.  At the age of 33, he was assassinated by the IPLO along with John O’Reilly, at the Rossnaree Hotel outside Drogheda. Ironically, he and O’Reilly had gone to the hotel to reach an agreement with the IPLO.   Hailing from from Friendly Street in the Markets area of south Belfast, Ta Power had originally been in the Official IRA but joined the INLA in 1975 while a prisoner in the Cages of  Long Kesh.  Noted for having later spent the longest time on remand (4 years and 4 months) on the word of ‘Supergrass’ Harry Kirkpatrick, he was also held on the evidence of five different Supergrasses, and had just been released from Crumlin Road prison a short time before he was killed.Thomas Power was widely regarded as a theorist and thinker within republican circles and was highly respected within his community and among Republicans belonging to different movements.

The Ta Power document is part history and part analysis on the Republican Socialist Movement.  He also pulls few punches in his analysis and it can be argued he was so bruntly fearless in his critique that he wanted to radicalise the movement into multi-faceted revolutionary political action.

Part one of the document is a broad history of the IRSM, which was formed out of the Official Republican movement in 1974.  In 1969, Power argued that Costello saw the Officials at the time of the ‘split’ as possessing ‘the best possible conditions existing for the development of a revolution movement.” However after the state-sanctioned killing of the militant, Joe McCann, a respected OIRA Volunteer, in 1972 and the ceasefire which followed, Costello stated that should have left the Official Republican movement there and then, instead of trying to work inside the officials and try and change them.  Power believed correctly that Costello hated splits. Costello believed that they led to demoralisation, acrimony and possible feuds. This was not only prophetic in Costello’s analysis but also in Power’s!  Both assassinations, following their respective parting of the ways from former comrades were much to the severe determent of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement.  Seamus Costello formed the IRSP and the INLA at a conference at the Spa Hotel, Lucan in 1974.  Power then points out his analysis as to the difference between the various Republican movements of the time, which are reproduced here:

  • The OFFICIAL’S approach to the national question was basically that it couldn’t be resolved until the Protestant and the Catholic working class “united”, that the six counties could be democratised, that a bill of rights was needed etc.  This position ruled out the national liberation struggle, it ignored the fundamentally sectarian nature of the six county state-let and how the Brits through this maintained their rule and influence over the entire country.
  • PROVISIONALS: At this time they still had a one-sided concentration on the national question, they were still controlled by the old traditional leadership which advocated a “federal solution” which Adams was later to refer to as “a sop to Loyalists.” They concentrated on the military effort to the exclusion of revolutionary socialist politics throughout Ireland. They maintained their abstention position. Costello criticised the Provisional’s for their “elitist and conspiratorial approach” which was no substitute for the development of a peoples struggle.
  • Irish Republican Socialist Party:  Most of the following are the direct words of Seamus Costello, upon outlining the programme of the IRSP, (a) ”we must make no secret of the fact that we are a revolutionary socialist party, prepared to give leadership on the streets as well as in the elected chambers, and that we are out for a socialist republic.”  (b) “Part of that struggle for a Socialist Republic entails resolving the national liberation struggle and ending British imperialist intervention. We stand for the unity of the anti-imperialist struggle and class struggle.”   (c) “What are the vital social issues of the day? Along with the national question there exist many strands to the anti-imperialist struggle. To hold the national question above all others is to isolate oneself from the people and result in inevitable defeat. We must involve ourselves and the masses in issues, which affect them: political agitation, propaganda etc should not be confined to the six counties.”

Costello On Abstentionism 

  • There is no parliamentary road to socialism, but elected members should use such chambers as a platform for the pursuit of our policies and for achieving publicity for them, but members elected to parliament etc would have to be active in politics outside parliament, i.e. extra parliamentary and agitationary politics on the streets.
  • We see both parliamentary institutions in Ireland as institutions that have to be abolished if we are to make progress towards establishing a socialist republic.
  • When we say we are not an abstention party, we mean we are not a party, in principle, committed to abstention. But there are circumstances and conditions under which it might be desirable at any particular point in time to abstain from parliament, and if we felt it was tactically desirable then we would do so.

Ultimate Goals

  • To end imperialist rule in Ireland and establish a 32 County Democratic Socialist Republic with the working class in control of the means of production, distribution and exchange.

 

  • The Broad Front: This advocates the maximum degree of Anti-imperialist unity. We recognise the absolute necessity of securing a constitutional solution to the present crisis, which will allow the Irish working class the freedom to pursue their interests as a class in the context of the development of normal class polities.  In our view, the first step in securing a constitutional solution, which meets this requirement, must be for Britain to concede the right of the Irish people to exercise total sovereignty over their own affairs. This objective can only be achieved through the creation of a united struggle on the part of all Anti-imperialist Organisations. We would therefore support the formation of an Irish anti-imperialist front composed of delegates from affiliated organisations who support the agreed political programme of the front.  The primary objective of the front would be to mobilise the maximum degree of support for its declared objectives throughout Ireland. The front should clearly be seen as the LEADERSHIP OF A MASS MOVEMENT against all forms of imperialist control and interference in Ireland.

The Broad front should have sufficient support and assistance from its affiliated organisations to enable it to open a head office with a full time staff. We propose the following political demands as the basis on which an Irish anti-imperialist front should organise:

  1. That Britain must renounce all claims to sovereignty over any part of Ireland or its coastal waters.
  2. That Britain must immediately disband and disarm the UDR, RUC and RUC Reserve and withdraw all troops from Ireland.
  3. That the British and 26 County Governments must immediately release all political prisoners and grant a general amnesty for all offences arising from the current conflict.
  4. That Britain must agree to compensate all that have suffered as a result of imperialist violence and exploitation in Ireland.
  5. Recognising that no country can be free and independent while it permits imperialist domination of its economic life, the anti-imperialist front, will oppose all forms of imperialist control over wealth and resources.
  6. The front rejects a federal solution and the continued existence of two separates in the 6 and 26 counties as a denial of the right of the Irish people to sovereignty and recognises that the only alternative as being the creation of a 32 democratic republic with a secular constitution.
  7. That the front demands the convening of an all Ireland constitutional conference representative of all shades of political opinion in Ireland for the purpose of discussing a democratic and secular constitution would become effective immediately following a total British military and political withdrawal from Ireland.

These were the primary differences between the IRSP, Officials, and the Provisional’s when Seamus Costello launched the party in December 1974.
Ta Power finished Part one on the death and subsequent loss to the IRSM of Seamus Costello. Here he quotes people who knew Costello and the various political roles Costello had been involved in at the time of his death. This demonstrates the severe blow his death was to the movement. This came basically as the movement was gathering pace.

  • “Seamus was the greatest follower of my father’s teachings in this generation and I hope that his example shall be followed and that his vision for Ireland will be realised in this generation” — Nora Connolly O’Brien.
  • “Seamus was the most sincere man I ever had the pleasure to know” — Father Piaras O Duill.
  • “Without a doubt he was the greatest threat to the capitalist establishment since James Connolly” — Sean Doyle.
  • “Seamus spoke for the IRSP and give a scintillating display of good humour, history, politics and hard facts. No one who listened to his three hours in the afternoon, and by unanimous demand, two hours repeat in the evening, now doubts that they will either have to shoot him or jail him or get out of his way, but they certainly won’t stop him! Costello, the revolutionary, Marxist socialist whose ambition is a secular, pluralist united socialist republic won’t go away until he gets it” — Dr Noel Browne.

From 1964 – 1974, Seamus Costello  held the positions of Adjutant General, Chief of staff and director of operations in the Official IRA and the positions of vice president of Official Sinn Fein.
From 1974 to his death on the 5th of October 1977 he held the position of Chief of staff and director of operations in INLA.
At the time of his assassination he was a member of the following bodies: Wicklow County Council, Co Wicklow Committee of Agriculture, General Council of Committees of Agriculture, Eastern Regional Development Committee, Bray Urban District Council, Bray branch of ITGWU, Bray and District Trade Union Council, of which he was president between 1976-1977, the Historical Society, and chairman of the IRSP.

Ta Power: Marxist Revolutionary

Ta Power was a committed Marxist. He quotes Costello on a number of occasions and points out that his phrase, “I owe my allegiance to the working class” as an example for all comrades to emulate. He also points out that “we must also present our vision of what revolutionary socialist state means. When we say our programme that we want to establish a 32 county socialist state with the working class in control of the means of production, distribution and exchange we must be able to decipher it for the working class to understand what it means.” That is paramount comrades, which basic economic ideology has to be understood by all comrades.Ta Power embraces the notion of a broad front, but it must be lead by the working class.

Analysis of Part Two of The Ta Power Document

In part two, Ta Power discusses, using both historical analysis of the years 1974-1981, in various parts and it’s relevance of the movement. He uses a number of contradictions,  most prominent of which is the problems associated with a party/army movement and the predominance of group ‘B’ over group ‘A’. This is a prolonged debate, in which he is fearlessly open and somewhat scathing of the culture then prevalent within the movement. It is deeply argued that his analysis is spot on here
He states that group ‘A’ by its very nature is “democratic, open structures, working openly, have its own priorities, tasks etc” where as group ‘B’ suffers from, “undemocratic, closed structures, working secretly, have its own priorities, tasks, etc.”  Ta Power is particularly scathing when the dominance of group ‘B’ is over group ‘A.’  He goes into detail of the various outcomes that can arise. Ta is scathing of the macho image of group ‘B’ in particularly in the periods of 1979-1981 and again from 1982-87.

He also states that every time there was an attempt to shift power from ‘B’ to ‘A’, this has led to failure. Perhaps he is being prophetic here, indeed it was a result of a split and power struggle within the movement that led him to being assassinated fighting the very problems he tried to overcome. Indeed again in 1996 another acrimonious split led to the death of Gino Gallagher who was also attempting to implement Ta Power’s recommendations.
Ta Power argues that a common bond should exist. He also rightly argues that that 1981 Hunger Strike was about brave Volunteers dying so that political recognition of our prisoners was restored and that it would thwart any attempt to criminalise our struggle.
“Our movement played a full and committed role in the history of this period – on the streets, the IRSP mobilised in support of the prisoners, and in the prisons our members stood steadfast and firm. Three of our movement’s finest volunteers, Pasty O Hara, Kevin Lynch and Mickey Devine lost their lives on hunger strike.”
Ta then questions why after the Hunger Strike, why the movement didn’t reach its full potential. To this he noted two short words: INTERNAL TURMOIL
He looks at the B/A relationship and decided that the wrong people took control, were in power and there was a predominance of B over A. Ta argued for proper structure and placed a ten point strategy which he argues is extremely important for the movement to implement. The ten point structure is as follows:
1: Politics in command
2: Internal democracy
3: Absolute legitimacy
4: Collective Leadership
5: Central authority
6: Coherency
7: Accountability
8: Discipline
9: Efficiency
10: Effectiveness
Ta Power argues that there has to be coherence and discipline for the 10 point structure to work, any failures will result in each aspect being affected. Furthermore Ta continues to argue that our politics should be in control, the main concern, not the army. Ta argues that Costello wanted to grow the Party, but others deemed resources be ploughed into the army. Ta cites that as the first contradiction. This led to “loss of coherency and the formation of “power blocks” and factions, loss of politics, the political ideals which make us, as a movement are not being addressed.
Power states in his second contradictions that the party is entrusted with “building a revolutionary class conscious party with a revolutionary programme for development. However, in order for this to be achieved, finances, resources time and above all revolutionary mature leadership (The AC) which understood the importance of such, a party was required.
Ta Power goes on and states that the army stifled political development of the Party and firmly believes that without the proper political vehicle no revolution can be won.

The Third contradiction is that between 1974-1977, there was no collective leadership, Power Blocks, Macho man image, all of which points to early predominance of B over A, particularly within the Belfast leadership. Politically astute leadership is required, class consciousness and education within the movement is paramount. If division and power blocks continue that can (and did) lead to disaster, it was a prophetic for Ta Power.
It is argued that Ta Power wanted an armed struggle with soldiers who were politically aware and conscious and politicians who understood the need for armed conflict against the imperialists and capitalists. “Every Solider a politician, every politician a soldier.”
In conclusion, at every stage of the history of the IRSM, Ta argued that COLLECTIVE LEADERSHIP is extremely important. In all areas of the movement it has to be a democratic collective leadership has to initiate work and consciousness amongst the membership. To conclude, Ta Advocated
(1) Politics in command: A over B
(2) Principle of Collective Leadership (no one man shows)
(3) Stability (ending of factions)
This will then lead to a structure that will see the ten point theory being implemented.
How does that relate to recent developments? Well firstly, recently the movement has decided to involve itself in purely political action. The dominance is now in the court of A so to speak. The movement is still some way away from achieving the ten point structure but the right direction is being pursued.


Would Ta have welcomed the 2009 decision for group ‘B’ to leave centre stage, given the very different political climate of contemporary times?  This is hard to analyse or answer, as Ta Power is sadly not around to offer his advice and consultation.  Ta Power was no pacifist but as a revolutionary he would no doubt have been  adaptable to contemporary conditions for modes of struggle.  It could be argued that the revolutionary political road that the IRSM is currently travelling is in keeping with Ta Power’s credo of ‘politics in command’ with ‘every soldier a politician and every politician a soldier’ that he stridently advocated is closer than ever to being realised. Ta Power would certainly have advocated and supported the revolutionary education of party members and the continued fight on behalf of the working class.. He was a proud and brave INLA Volunteer, a great theoretician and political thinker. It would be a fitting tribute to him if we implement his ideals as best as we can.

To quote Ta Power, at the conclusion of his essay written 27 years ago:

“If we have achieved even part of that success, then the effort has been worthwhile.”

By: Daithi
IRSP supporter
Posted in Opinion Piece, Ta Power

The Ta Power Document Examined – Educational Piece

This article provides a brief analysis of mainly Part One of Ta Power’s dissertation on the Irish Republican Socialist Movement, which is now widely known as the Ta Power Document. It is hoped that this article will be of help when IRSP members and other Republican Socialist discuss the Ta Power Document, an essay that’s foresightedness and fearless analysis is undoubtedly ahead of it’s time.

What Is The Ta Power Document?

We hear a lot about the Ta Power Document but what exactly does it contain?  Certainly, one could probably read Ta Power critique of the IRSM in an afternoon, but arguably the best way to appreciate fully what is contained in his critique, is to take the time to read it as one would approach a serious study.  This is because there is so much content of both retrospective and contemporary value compounded into the Document’s pages, that a quick reading will never do justice to Ta Power’s project, which was so comprehensively written, often under the most difficult of conditions, notably partly within a cramped prison cell.

It is also helpful to acquaint oneself with the life of Thomas ‘Ta’ Power as the INLA guerrilla and the Revolutionary Socialist theorist.  Ta Power’s life was very closely associated with the earlier years of the nascent Irish Republican Socialist Movement.  Contained within the pages of the Ta Power Document is the genuine, early history of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement, written by an INLA Guerrilla who knew only too well, that as a committed revolutionary, he was simply, as he fearlessly stated, a “dead man on leave!”

James Connolly, Ireland’s first Marxist Revolutionary, wrote 89 years before Ta Power’s assassination that: “Apostles of Freedom are ever idolised when dead, but crucified when alive.” They were prophetic words both for Connolly, Ta Power and all those who have sought to bring revolutionary change to Ireland, defy Imperialism and fight for a Socialist Republic.


Ta Power, not surprisingly, on the far left. To the right is his brother, Jim Power, who also gave his life in the struggle for an Irish Workers’ Republic

Who Was Ta Power?

Thomas ‘Ta’ Power was an INLA guerrilla fighter and an Irish Republican Socialist Party activist from the Market area of Belfast, whose Revolutionary actions were backed up with an insightful analysis of the age old struggle for National Liberation and Socialism in Ireland. The Republic that Ta Power believed was worth fighting for was one that guaranteed economic liberty for the Irish working-class, not just an exchange of one ruling class for the homegrown Gombeen variety, which successive one-dimensional Nationalists have repeatedly eventually settled for throughout Irish history. Ta Power believed in the Workers Republic of Marxist revolutionary James Connolly, who rejected traditional Nationalism espoused by th likes of Sinn Fein, just as vehemently as he opposed British Imperialism.

Ta Power’s legacy to contemporary Republican Socialism was his insightful analysis of how the Irish Republican Socialist Movement needs to be structured, to become the effective vanguard for an Irish Socialist Republic. The Ta Power Essay could arguably be described as being as important to Irish Republican Socialism, as VI Lenin’s ‘What is to be Done’ was to the Bolsheviks at the beginning of the 20th century.  In fact the similarities between the IRSM and the ‘legal Marxists’ of the Second International are striking

Contemporary comrades of Ta Power will have their own personal and revolutionary memories of one of Irelands most outstanding Republican Socialists, who by all accounts was very much cut from the same cloth as the late Seamus Costello.  It is glaringly apparent that British imperialism and their lackeys in the Gombeen Free State feared Ta Power’s Republican Socialist ideology and that they viewed him personally as a dangerous revolutionary foe. The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) held him in de facto internment without trial, mainly being held in the grim Crumlin Road prison for nearly 5 years, on the word of 5 separate successive bribed supergrass perjurers.  When Ta Power was assassinated in January, 1987, along with his comrade, John O’Reilly, at the Rosnaree Hotel, by members of the counter-revolutionary IPLO, we can be sure that Imperialism uttered a sigh of relief.

Before his tragic assassination at the young age of 33, Ta Power spent much of his his lengthy time in prison conducting a root and branch analysis of the Revolutionary forces involved in the struggle for National Liberation and Socialism in Ireland and the IRSM in particular. Ta Power recognises the leading role of Republican Socialism’s most outstanding advocate, Seamus Costello and the nearly ‘incalculable loss’ the movement faced by his assassination at the hands of an Official IRA gangster.  Power pulls no punches in his critique of the IRSM’s varied fortunes but his analysis points out that at the heart of any excesses and contradictions in the movement were structural defects, which made those mistakes not only possible but inevitable..

Ta Power’s historical analysis of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement

Power begins by plotting the course of the Republican Movement pre-1969 split and again pre-1974:

“the Republican Movement at that time, as indeed throughout its history was a monolithic movement, ideologically united and disciplined in its strategy and tactics.” (1)

Ta Power rightfully analyses that even at that time, within the monolithic pre-1969 Republican Movement, a distinct reformist tendency was gaining in strength, in tandem with the more traditionalist, one dimensional Republican strand and an overtly Socialist strand. (This is characteristic of all broad national liberation movements which history has taught us will invariably split along Left-Right and/or Reformist-Revolutionary lines.)  A smaller, more radical trend, centred round Seamus Costello, sought to marry the need for both National Liberation and Socialism, correctly treating them as intrinsically linked. The Official IRA leadership was at variance with the more militant grassroots and Ta Power cites the friction between the militant Belfast OIRA leader, Joe McCann and the reformist Official IRA leadership. Costello was of the same militant ilk as McCann and similarly was victimised by the Official’s leadership, culminating in his eventual expulsion at the 1974 Official Sinn fein Ard Fheis. Ta Power correctly states that:

“the dismissal of Costello formalised what was already a fact…’the parting of the ways’ of a revolutionary & reformist strategy on the National question!” (2)

In the gaols and all over Ireland, the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP) grew out of the militant grassroots, disaffected membership of the Official Republican Movement. In Belfast the Officials’ leadership ordered immediate armed attacks on the fledgling IRSP, which initially left 3 dead and many more wounded. When counter-revolutionary attacks on the fledgling IRSP, ordered by the Official IRA leadership were concerned, Ta Power points out ironically that:

“the arms the officials had starved and denied their own membership to confront Imperialism had been delivered in plenty!” (3)

Power was just as scathing of the Provisionals, as he was of the Officials’ leadership in his critique. While he viewed the reformism of the Stickies, as ignoring the elephant in the living-room of partition, he viewed the Provisionals as being hopelessly elitist. Ta Power correctly saw the Irish Republican Socialist Movement as the only vehicle to:

“stand for the unity of the anti-imperialist struggle & the class struggle.” (4)

The IRSP and the Broad Front?

Ta Power saw that a movement which placed equal emphasis on the struggle for both Socialism and National Liberation, was ultimately capable of leading an anti-Imperialist Broad Front, while the IRSP retained the clear understanding that there could be no reformist ‘parliamentary road to socialism’  However, their political agitation was not to be restricted by any elitist, traditional republican principle of ‘abstentionism’ (although in some circumstances that would be acceptable as a tactic.) The anti-Imperialist Broad Front would adhere to core progressive Republican Socialist principles.

Ta Power rounds off his recounting of the complicated birth of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement, by recalling that by mid-1975, the worst of the Official IRA attacks had ended and by later in the year the IRSP had a politically healthy membership of 800 activists in Ireland. The party had a quarterly internal theoretical bulletin, plus the monthly newspaper ‘The Starry Plough’.  Basically by this stage, Ta Power states that, the IRSM had survived the counter-revolutionary Official IRA attempts to strangle it at birth and Republican Socialism was on the road to party political stability, progress and growth.

The IRSM and concerted state repression

Ta Power continues with his historical analysis of the IRSM by stating that after a brief period on the road to movement’s political stability, following the early attacks on the fledgling movement, the party had a healthy active membership.  The southern Free State government then set out to attempt to systematically smash the Republican Socialist Movement.  By April 1976, after the Sallins Train Robbery, the Gardai’s Heavy Gang conducted systematic repression and brutality on IRSP members, culminating in the framing of 6 party members, including Nicky Kelly, for a mail train robbery that reportedly was not carried out by by the IRSM. Amnesty International were partly responsible for exposing the brutality of the Garda Heavy Gangs habitual tactics of torture and perverting the course of justice, to frame those they perceived to be Enemies of the Leinster House State.

In the north of Ireland, the IRSM were involved in all facets of the anti-Imperialist struggle which included armed guerrilla actions against the British occupational forces.  The IRSM also took a leading, guiding role in the nascent agitation against the criminalisation of Republican POW’s in Long Kesh and Armagh, both inside and outside the gaols, which included the earlier INLA successful mass escape from Cage 5 in Long Kesh concentration camp on the 5th May, 1976.

The impact of Costello’s assassination

Ta Power stressed the massive blow to the Republican Socialist Movement caused by the assassination of of perhaps Ireland’s most dynamic Republican leader, Seamus Costello in 1977:

“the sheer stature of the revolutionary Seamus Costello is too great for what can be expressed in feeble words, yet words are the only (way) to express and convey this stature albeit in a feeble way” (5)

He goes on to list many of the testimonials to Seamus Costello’s outstanding Revolutionary character from the likes of Nora Connolly O’Brien (James Connolly’s daughter), Fr Piaras O’Duill, Sean Doyle and Dr Noel Browne. He recounts the lengthy list of elected and appointed positions held by the indefatiqable Seamus Costello from 1964 until his tragic murder in October 1977.

The Struggle in the H-Blocks

Ta Power admits that the IRSM were the main beneficiaries of disillusionment within the Official IRA in Long Kesh, in the early 1970′s, which produced a ready made reservoir of recruits, but at the time it was in a volatile state. At first the gaol authorities did not grant recognition to the IRSP prisoners, but after the correct pressure was applied, they did give in.

Shortly after this, the infant IRSP had the morale boost of 5 prisoners escaping from Newry courthouse and the mass escape of 9 INLA prisoners from Long Kesh via a tunnel in May 1976.  However, by this stage political status was being phased out by the British as part of their ‘Ulsterisation’ aka “Normalisation” counter-revolutionary strategy. The H-Blocks of Long Kesh concentration camp then became the main focus of the anti-Imperialist struggle for the Republican Socialist Movement and indeed the entire Irish Republican community:

“suddenly, captured republicans were thrown back to an active role & again to the forefront of the struggle. Their courage, resolve & mettle would be tested to the full. The tremendous responsibility, which was imposed on them, was a heavy burden to carry but carry it they did!” (6)

As well as invigorating the Republican Socialist Movement, the campaign for political status was a double edged sword:

“with the end of [political] status came the end of segregation. The effects of this on our movement was more profound than are sometimes realised. Because of our numerical weakness we were always a minority within the broad republican family & this created further problems for us. The IRA always set the tempo & pace but we always retained our separate organisational structures, independence & identity .” (7)

What is to be done?

From page 14 of the document, Ta Power begins his own ‘What is to be done’ and quotes Seamus Costello:

“..we must make no secret of the fact that we are a Revolutionary party, prepared to give leadership on the streets as well as in the elected chambers & that we are out for a revolutionary state.” (8)

Ta Power’s sentiments in this part of his critique echo those of Seamus Costello, in that he advises a multi-faceted Revolutionary Socialist approach. For instance, agitation both on the streets and in elected bodies, bluntly emphasising that there can be:

“no easy way to the Socialist Republic, no shortcuts!”(9)

Power bluntly states that unlike the ‘Walkerite Socialists’ of James Connolly’s time in Belfast or those described by Seamus Costello as ‘Ring-road Socialists’ due to their deliberate sidestepping or ignoring of the national question, it would be folly for the RSM to ever attempt to fool the Irish working class regarding their revolutionary agenda, as ‘they know only too well ‘who the phonies’ are.  Nor should the IRSM fall into the plague of political sectarianism, bureaucracy or factionalism that habitually bedevils the Left,

“we must be vigilant that we dont sink into the morass of sectarianism, mixing, pettiness etc. We must not get involved in unprincipled slagging matches etc or into positions that are sectarian, anti-revolutionary, morally damaging that give succour to the enemy & that confuse & divide the working class” (10)

Power states that an important facet of Irish Republican Socialism is that it should not be vague but be able to describe it’s vision for a Democratic Irish Socialist Republic, not just limit their vision to the transitional stages and the process to achieve it.  He again echoes James Connolly, in his belief that it is only by the actions of the Irish working class that the age old project of Ireland’s liberation from British imperialism can be achieved. Bourgeois parties will always compromise with Imperialism, which VI Lenin accurately described as the highest (in reality the ‘worst’) stage of Capitalism.

Ta Power writes that the might of the pro-Imperialist forces can only being defeatable by a Broad Front of progressive anti-Imperialist forces. Power advocated the convening of a conference of anti-Imperialist parties. This is very relevant in today’s context where Irish republicanism is very much splintered, despite various half-hearted calls for Republican Unity. He criticizes Stalinist Stage-ism, as adhered to by the likes of the Officials, as a deflection from the National Liberation struggle:

“it is only by strengthening ourselves ideologically, inculcating in ourselves the values & ideals of the struggle and building up the ranks of the revolutionary party that we will make it! Finally, we must constantly review, criticize & self criticize all aspects of our actions, policies, tactics etc. Keep appraising the whole situation & keep striving to raise the class consciousness, spirit & capacity to fight & win of the working class.” (11)

The Primacy of Politics

As Ta Power indicates, the Irish Republican Socialist Movement followed what is known as the ‘party/army model’ and Ta Power critiques the ‘contradictions’ contained in that relationship when the proverbially cart is placed before the horse.  Ta Power utilises Marxian dialectics to explain the relationship between the political activities of the IRSM, which he refers to as:

‘A’ the party (IRSP) and: ‘B’ the military wing, (INLA.)

He states that ‘group A’, the party, should guide ‘group B’, the army, but due to structural defects that Ta Power identifies in his essay, group B ended up being the dominant element and therefore a very retarded form of Marxian Praxis existed. He states that for many within group B, overtly political work was viewed as being unimportant, unfashionable and a distraction from armed struggle:

“therefore there arises a definite trend of spurning “A”[political] type work as being beneath their standing, style etc; there arises contempt for those involved in “A” type work “ (12)

He questions why political work came to be looked down upon as a lesser form of revolutionary struggle, despite there being so many extremely intelligent individuals involved. This one dimensional militaristic political culture within the IRSM at that time led to factionalism, power-building and of course the well documented breaking away of a counter-revolutionary group:

“Are we amateurs & not professionals? We know the lessons of history, we know the mistakes & we either act accordingly or collapse. Salvation lies in clarity & the courage to implement change!” (13)

Ta Power states that doing things in half-measures will only prove to be counter-productive, as ‘the road to hell is paved with good intentions!’

He then uses Lenin’s polemic against the myopic, cordite soaked Socialist Revolutionaries (SR’s) in Russia who were in effect elitist armed liberals, to critique the purely militarist tendencies within the then IRSM. (It is worth noting that Lenin and therefore Ta Power, are using the term ‘terrorism’ in the strictly sociological sense here, not the bourgeois subjective sense.)  In effect, Ta Power is stressing that direct action that is not in the interest of the Irish proletariat or alienates them is counter-productive,

“their ‘terrorism’ is not connected in any ways with work among the masses……it distracts our very scanty organisational resources from their difficult & by no means complete task of organising a revolutionary party “(14)

Conclusions For Contemporary Republican Socialist?

Although this article deals primarily with Part One of the Ta Power Document, the central theme of his dissertation is to assert the principles of ‘Politics in Command’ as the only salvation for the Irish Republican Socialist Movement.  Power is fearless in his critique of one dimensional militarism within the IRSM and how that culture of disdain for overtly ‘political work’ led to such tragedies as the emergence of the IPLO counter-revolutionaries, power-base building by individuals and a general ‘running down’ of the role of the party.

Unlike the Irish Republican Socialist Movement’s various detractors who spend their time sniping from the sidelines, Ta Power’s critique came from within and therefore his essay should be studied, discussed and itself critiqued and indeed added, to if need be, in light of today’s political climate which has changed drastically since 1987.

However, Ta Power’s critique of the IRSM still retains it’s resonance even after over a quarter of a century and the Irish Republican Socialist Movement, now in it’s 40th year of existence, remains the only truly Connollyite organisation that places equal emphasis on the class struggle and the national liberation struggle. Tactically, there may have been temporary changes yet the overall strategy has never travelled the reformist route and remains the same with no-one under any illusions that the disestablishment of the ‘robber barons’ of both corporate exploitation, Gombeen capitalism and imperialism will always be robustly opposed, with the appropriate tactics of the political climate. The Ta Power Document’s final prophetic lines are as apt and retain the same resonance today as they did in the late 1980s:

It will take a resolute leadership and the use of a firm but fair hand to drag this movement back onto the rails. Those who stand in the way of development and progress must be cast aside, no one or group will dictate solely the pace and path this movement will take to overcome its difficulties.

Those who seek to impose shackles must be cast aside without hesitation. We either go forward or backward.

Finally let us return to what we said in the first page of part one. There we said our objective in this draft, was an attempt to UNDERSTAND THE PAST so that we may ANALYSE THE PRESENT in order to INFLUENCE THE FUTURE. This is a bold claim to make, and an even bolder one to succeed with!” (15)

References 1-15 from The Ta Power Document

 

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Boycott Topaz Fuel Stations!

Stephen Cummins, a spokesperson for IRSP Átha Cliath stated on the 19th of October that:

“The Irish republican socialist party began its Boycott Topaz campaign which billionaire and capitalist Denis O’Brian added to his capitalist portfolio. The Topaz Group was purchased by Mr O’Brien using his Kendrick Investments Ltd, an Isle of Man company.  Denis O’Brien company GMC/Sierra are the main contractors for the installation of water meters in Ireland, many people simply don’t understand that by pumping their hard earned wages through Topaz garages for their daily fuel they are funding the very same companies that they are protesting against daily.

Join us every Saturday at 12 at the Topaz garages. Will will inform every body on our social media the location of the garages we intend to protest at each week. All groups and political activists welcome as well as political material.”

See IRSP Átha Cliath Facebook Page  for further announcements!

 

Denis O’Brien – Robber Baron

Denis O’Brien is listed in the Forbes Magazine ‘Rich list’ as number 283 of the world’s richest Billionaires.  As of today,3.55pm, 25/10/2014, his Real Time Net Worth is  $5.1 Billion!  O’Brien who describes himself as ‘the son of an activist’ says he ‘tries to operate on an 80%-business, 20%-philanthropy ethic’ .“We’re not robber barons,” he says. “We never want to be seen as someone that rips off countries.”  Obviously the citizens of Ireland and elsewhere would strongly disagree with his glowing self-description which, to put it mildly is BULLSHIT!  

Robber Baron Denis O’Brien – Arch Capitalist Exploiter and the world’s 283′rd richest person worth $5.1 Billion!

 

 

To quote the very apt words of the the late, great Seamus Costello, co-founder of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement:

“in the long term, the lessons of history show that the robber baron must be disestablished by the same methods that he used to enrich himself and retain his ill-gotten gains, namely, force of arms. To this end we must organise, train and maintain a disciplined armed force which will always be available to strike at the opportune moment”.

 

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Boiling Water – the shallow exploitation of the People’s Resources PPSÉ

Boiling Water – the shallow exploitation of the People’s Resources PPSÉ

 

We are told that we are experiencing times of economic hardship, a recession that is affecting all of us. As many are fully aware, this is untrue in reality, and similar to any historical period of ‘economic gloom’ it is always the ordinary man and woman who feel the wrath and ruthlessness of the capitalists’ shortcomings.

It is quite apparent that the introduction of water charges by the Fine Gael/Labour collation has accelerated the anger and bitter disappointment of the Irish Nation. This recently manifested itself with over 100,000 people, of all backgrounds, standing in solidarity against this latest act of tyranny by Leinster House.

The PPSÉ firmly believes that water cannot be converted to a financial commodity and any attempt to exploit the distribution of water for profitable purposes represents a grave and fundamental affront to the human rights and dignity of the Irish People.

This premeditated and shallow agenda is ultimately designed to implement privatisation and the same old right-wing ethos of preservation of the establishment. Irish water is the inherit natural resource of the Irish People and falls purely under the ownership of the Workers. Water can never be surrendered to private capital that denies the people from their basic rights. The corruption with this water meters fiasco is nothing short of State violation of powers, again highlighting their corporation first mentality and their programme for privatisation of State Sovereignty.

We must be mindful that irrespective of any rebuttals the corrupt status quo and their cronies make, via their partial media outlets, in an attempt to justify their continued exploitation of our natural resources that the truth is simple. Our water is being charged purely for the purpose of facilitating the policy of the Troika. The facts don’t lie – they speak volumes and they indisputably conclude that the people of Ireland have been miserably failed and neglected for generations. These systematic failures are not improving but exasperating our everyday living. More and more of us have absolutely no quality of life.

We welcome the united progressive position opposing the water tax by the Communication Workers’ Union, the CPSU, Mandate, OPATSI and Unite the Union which states

 “Our message is very simple:  Irish people have already paid for water through general taxation, and are not prepared to pay for it a second time through water user charges.

“It is clear that neither the government’s water charges policy, nor Irish Water, can be reformed.”

“The time has come for the government to recognise the overwhelming opposition of the citizens by abolishing water charges, stop wasting further taxpayers’ money on water meter installation, dissolve Irish Water and return its functions to the local authorities, and go back to the drawing board to construct a water management policy which is fit for purpose and respects our Right2Water”

The time has now come for our Trade Union movement to make honest and meaningful endeavours to reorganise, revaluate, and re-examine their social conscious and relationship with the status quo.

It should not be overlooked that many of the Unions wrongfully agreed to the privatisation of our water distribution network as part of the atrocious ‘agreements’ reached at Haddington Road/Croke Park lll.

The Trade Union movement is consisted of over 800,000 members on our Island and offers a great potential framework to mobilise. We all must stand in solidarity and ensure we are not complicit in the implementation of water meters installation and/or enforcement. The ICTU also has a responsibility to reconnect with the communities workers live in and deliver not just in the workplace but also in the community.

The exploitation of our water distribution falls on the backdrop of gross unemployment, vast immigration, unsustainable wages, unrealistic cuts to public services and irrational manipulation of pensions and social security funds. Despite this depression being inflicted on the Workers of Ireland, the right-wing elitists, who created this situation, are bailed out at every opportunity with Government initiatives. Therefore it is perfectly legitimate to air our rage. We support all protests highlighting the flaws of the system.

We must openly look at the ‘cause of infection’ within our society not solely focus on the ‘symptoms’. The neo-imperial and corporate model of government has failed. We must demand a fairer and more equal future for all, and be prepared to work towards such an Ireland. This is not to be feared but embraced. The people of Ireland are demoralised with the doctrines of the establishment and are searching for an alternative to the corrupt and toxic political parties that have molested our communities and embroiled us in this State of inequality and discrimination.

We encourage the Workers of Ireland to organise, mobilise and rise together. The PPSÉ is eager and willing to work with others, where possible, in order to forward the ideals of a 32 County Socialist Republic.

It is time for all Workers to morally examine their stance within the society. We must hold humanity and respect for our fellow Workers in a much higher regard than that of profit, which unfortunately has been socially ingrained in many via the indoctrination of capitalism. While it is important that we unite on every occasion possible, we must be realistic that the selective and over-zealous taxation of the proletariat and water charges are only some of the many issues facing the Workers today. We must reject austerity in its entirety; the concealed Troika-Tenet and the Establishment’s philosophy of exploitation. We must build a real Republic; we must build the alternative together.

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